Friday, December 19, 2025

Post 63: The Problem With Electricity

 Electricity has been so widely available and so reliable for so long that we take it for granted.  That is the problem.  The reason it is problematic is because the way we produce, distribute and consume electricity is changing.  And as I have pointed out in numerous previous posts, change is often difficult and expensive – two things no one likes.

Electrical service is so useful and so relatively inexpensive that virtually every household not only has it, but uses it without thinking twice.  It is so reliable (more than 99.9% up-time in the U.S.) that it is a major news event when widespread outages occur.  And despite the potential for death every time we use it, we are absolutely shocked (figuratively) whenever anyone is seriously shocked (literally).


But what if all of that changed?  What if you had to cross your fingers and hope for the best whenever you came home and flipped on a light switch?  Or what if you had to ration your use of the washing machine, oven or air conditioner because you couldn’t let your electric bill get out of hand?  I’m being intentionally over-dramatic – very few households in the U.S. are likely to be impacted in that way.  The future does contain changes, however, that will be unpopular and uncomfortable enough that people will rethink how they use electricity in their life and complain to their elected representatives that “something needs to be done.”  My goal with this article is to figure out what that “something” is likely to be and how it will impact both households and cities.


How Electrical Systems Work


The more you learn about how electricity goes from generation to distribution to eventual consumption the more amazing the entire process seems.  It is like someone juggling a thousand balls at the same time.  The fact that the system works at all is due to some seriously clever human inventions, some well crafted industry standards, and to some government regulations that keep various stakeholder interests in balance.


To begin with, electrical system operators have to constantly keep power supply in sync with power demand.  Electrical equipment and appliances are built to operate within a specific voltage and frequency range.  In North America, the reference power frequency is 60 cycles per second (or 60 Hertz).  Voltage and amperage can vary depending upon the needs of each particular user, but frequency is constant and bad things happen if the frequency varies by more than one percent or so.  In fact, frequency is a primary indicator of the balance between supply and demand.  If the frequency drops it means there is more demand than supply and more power needs to be generated.  If the frequency increases, then the opposite is true.


The demand for electricity, of course, varies constantly throughout the day.  The basic pattern is relatively predictable, but weather fluctuations, equipment malfunctions, and a myriad of random events and consumer decisions can alter the basic pattern minute-by-minute.  Consequently, power system operators (and their computer systems) are making constant adjustments in real time.  In addition, system operators are expected to balance supply and demand in the most cost efficient manner possible, which means buying as much power as possible from low-cost providers and using higher-cost providers only when absolutely necessary.


To understand how all this plays out, a little background information will be helpful.  Some power plants, for example, are best at providing a relatively fixed amount of power more or less continuously.  Nuclear, coal and hydro-power plants fall into this category, and are generally referred to as baseload generators because they are used to supply the base threshold of power that is required 24/7.  The downside of these generators is that they take a long time to start up and they aren’t very good at responding to sudden spikes in demand.


Intermediate, or load-following generators, are used to supply power to match the ups and downs that are relatively predictable on a day-to-day basis.  These plants are generally powered by natural gas turbines that can ramp up and down relatively economically.  The final category of power producers are known as peaking plants, which are used for the relatively short-duration peaks of the daily demand cycle and for unexpected surges in demand.  These plants typically use quick-response gas turbines that can respond in minutes to changing demand, or – increasingly in recent years – large scale battery storage facilities which can supply additional electricity in seconds.  Peaking plants are an essential element of the system but the power they supply is expensive.


Utility-scale solar arrays and large wind farms don’t fit neatly into any of the traditional categories.  They are generally used as baseload generators because the cost of the power they produce is generally lower than both nuclear and coal plants, but their fluctuating output makes integrating them with other power sources a bit challenging.  Pairing wind and solar with battery storage can smooth out the fluctuations considerably which makes life easier for system operators, particularly as renewables like wind and solar provide a larger and larger share of total power supply.


To make things even more complicated, it is often cheaper for the utility company (and “greener” from an environmental standpoint) to manage demand during peak periods rather than buy expensive power from peaking plants.  This “demand management” approach uses rates that fluctuate during the day (time-of-use rates) to make using electricity during peak periods expensive, thus incentivizing consumers to shift their consumption to off-peak times.  Unfortunately, most people don’t like doing their cooking and laundry in the middle of the night so time-of-use rates can increase bills for some residential households.


Defining the Problem


Exploding demand.  From 2005 to 2020, demand for electricity was almost flat (average increase of 0.1% per year).  Improvements in energy efficiency were largely offsetting economic and demographic growth. [1]  That has changed in recent years, however, as electrical demand set a new record in 2024 and again in 2025, and is now growing rapidly enough in many areas that electrical utilities are struggling to keep up.


Nearly four years ago I posted an article to this blog that talked about the “electrification of everything.”  That trend is still continuing as battery powered electric vehicles replace vehicles with internal combustion engines, heat pumps replace natural gas furnaces and water heaters, induction stoves replace gas stoves, and on and on.  The things I talked about in that post primarily affected residential demand, and while they still are trending upward they represent a relatively small portion of recent demand increases.  While modest in terms of total demand, the trend is still significant because it means that demand is increasing everywhere, which means that the distribution grid will eventually need to be upgraded everywhere rather than in just a few places.


More relevant in recent years has been the proliferation of data centers, each containing thousands and thousands of computer servers.  Data center construction is booming in order to meet the insatiable computing needs of artificial intelligence and cloud data storage.  It is estimated that in 2024 U.S. data centers consumed approximately 4 percent of total electrical demand, an amount roughly equal to the demand for the entire country of Pakistan.  Data center demand is expected to grow by 133% over the next five years [2] but some analysts consider those forecasts to be too low.  The mania over artificial intelligence is leading to announcements for data center investments that are enormous in scale.  If it all comes true, and that is a big if, the combined impact might bring the power grid to its knees. 


Take for example, the $11 billion data campus that Amazon is building in northern Indiana known as Project Rainier.  Currently seven data center buildings are operational, but a total of 30 buildings are planned.  The full site will eventually draw roughly 2.2 gigawatts of electricity, equivalent to the power consumed by 1.6 million homes. [3]  Every major player in the AI industry has similar projects either under construction or on the drawing board.


While there are data centers in every state, a third of the roughly 4,000 data centers in the U.S. are clustered in three states:  Virginia (643), Texas (395) and California (319).  In addition, there are significant clusters in Chicago, Phoenix, Atlanta, Columbus and Des Moines.  Typically, an AI-focused “hyperscaler” data center contains at least 5,000 servers and consumes electricity equivalent to the demand from 100,000 homes.  Newer designs currently under construction are expected to increase that demand by at least a factor of ten.  Although there are advantages to clustering data centers together (e.g. network access), power demands are stretching the capabilities of local utilities to the point where proposed data centers are having difficulties getting power supply commitments and consequently are postponing construction or are looking at locations where power is more available.


Supply constraints.  If demand is growing, won’t the market respond by building more power plants in order to increase supply?  The answer is yes, but there is a significant timeline mismatch.  Utility scale power plants, wind farms or solar panel arrays can’t simply be added to the grid willy-nilly without upsetting the delicate balance that keeps the grid functioning smoothly.  Transmission lines, substations, transformers, switching gear, and grid control systems all need to be upgraded as the new power source comes online.  All of that takes five years or more to get planned, permitted and built.  The process is so time consuming that there is currently a queue of power generation projects waiting to get approval to connect to the grid.  That sounds like a good problem to have, but many proposed projects never get built because of problems that are uncovered during the approval process.  The current system is a roadblock to new power capacity, but it is a necessary evil.


The reality is that AI data center demand has ramped up quickly in just the past few years, but growing the power capacity of the grid is a much slower process.  A new data center can be planned and built in a couple of years, but the matching power supply might take twice as long – or in some cases three or four times as long. [4]  This is particularly true for some of the more exotic solutions that have been proposed such as geothermal or modular nuclear power plants.





Things have gotten desperate enough that old nuclear power plants are being brought out of mothballs.  Microsoft recently signed a 20-year power purchase agreement with Constellation Energy to restart a reactor at Three Mile Island to power planned AI data centers.  Three Mile Island, of course, was the site of America’s worst nuclear accident back in 1979.  A second, undamaged reactor was eventually restarted and ran until 2019 when it was shut down because it was too costly. [5]  The needs of AI have apparently changed the economic equation because costly power is better than no power at all.


Shaky infrastructure.  The period of flat demand growth from 2005 to 2020 lulled utility companies into thinking that infrastructure upgrades were a relatively low priority.  That has changed recently for three reasons.  First, the combination of aging infrastructure, high winds (or other extreme weather) and drought conditions have caused enormous liability issues.  Pacific Gas & Electric in California filed for bankruptcy in 2019 and pled guilty to 84 counts of involuntary manslaughter following the 2018 Camp fire.  Hawaiian Electric has been hit by a dozen lawsuits over its alleged role in the wildfire that killed more than 100 people and burned the town of Lahaina to the ground.  The Fitch rating agency warned that the company faces more than $3 Billion in potential liability claims.  PacifiCorp and Xcel Energy are facing similar problems for the 2020 Labor Day fires in Oregon and the 2021 Marshall fire in Colorado. [6]


The average age of the country’s transmission lines is 40 years old, and roughly a quarter of the lines are more than 50 years old which is the typical intended lifespan.  More than half of US transformers will reach their intended lifespans in the next five to ten years.  Utilities are spending billions of dollars annually to remedy the problem, but supply line disruptions and tariffs make the work more expensive, and the scale of the problem makes the solution a decades long affair.  Utility companies are finally taking extreme weather seriously but there is a lot of catching up to do.


Second, the electrical grid is having to supply power to the above-mentioned data centers which are 24/7 power hogs.  Take, for example, the 2,250-acre data center campus currently being built by Meta in Louisiana.  The project, named Hyperion, is being built in Richland Parish which is pretty much in the middle of nowhere – more than 100 miles from either Shreveport or Jackson, the only towns of any size in the area.  Upon completion, it is estimated that the campus will consume three times as much electricity as the City of New Orleans.  Consequently, the local utility company (Entergy) is spending $1.2 Billion to build a 100-mile, 500kV transmission line, along with eight substations, and eight 230kV transmission lines.  In theory, Meta is covering the cost, but projects like this distract utility companies from addressing the underlying fragility of their electrical networks.


Finally, utility companies are being pushed to harden the electrical grid against possible cyber attacks.  The grid has long been considered a soft target for terrorists or enemy nations because of outdated (and easily hacked) control systems and the distributed nature of the grid itself.  Steps are being taken, but again, this is likely a decades-long effort.


Rising prices.  So let’s quickly recap.  Electrical demand is rising, supply is constrained by long approval times, and the distribution network is aging and fragile.  Should we be surprised that prices are rising?  Unless you completely slept through your economics class, the answer, of course, is no.  According to the St. Louis Federal Reserve, during the six years from 2014 through early 2020, the average US City electricity price per kilowatt hour was basically flat (actually declining on an inflation adjusted basis).  During the five years prior to that the average price rose a total of just over six percent.  But in the five and a half years since early 2020 (through August of 2025) the average price has gone up over 40 percent.  


To be fair, this increase is just a third more than the increase in the Consumer Price Index, so it is bad but not disastrous.  Coming on the heels of a ten year period of hardly any increase, however, it seems much worse.  Now in addition to the rapidly rising costs of household essentials like food, medical care, and housing, working class families have to worry about the electrical bill being beyond their budget. 


Interestingly, in the states with the highest average increases, the cost of power generation has declined slightly.  It is the cost of electrical transmission (long distance) and distribution (short distance) that has been rising faster than inflation. [7] The decline in power generation costs coincides with a shift away from relatively expensive coal power plants to less expensive natural gas and renewable sources.  Coal produces just a third of the US electric power that it did twenty years ago and our pocketbooks and lungs are better off as a result.


However, skyrocketing demand from data centers may change all of that.  Power generation costs have ticked back up over the past two years and are likely to continue rising.  As noted earlier, power providers are so desperate for new capacity that old nuclear reactors are being brought back to life and coal plants slated for retirement are being kept operational.  These are not low cost sources for electricity, so overall rates will increase.  Fortunately, the vast majority of new power generating capacity will come from solar and wind – often supplemented by large scale battery storage – since renewables produce relatively cheap power and can be brought online faster than other sources.


The final point to understand is that electricity demand and price increases are not evenly distributed across the country, nor is there even a clear pattern.  The ten states with the lowest average residential rates (starting with the lowest) are Nevada (11.95 ¢/kwh), Louisiana, Idaho, Tennessee, Kentucky, North Dakota, Arkansas, Washington, Nebraska and Mississippi (13.97 ¢/kwh).  The ten states where residential rates have gone up the most (Sept 2024 - Sept 2025, starting with the worst) are New Jersey (21.1%), Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Florida, Georgia, Ohio, New Hampshire, and Washington (11.3%). [8]


Helpful Trends


The gloom-and-doom statistics above may lead you to think that we are going to suffer major grid disruptions and pay more each month for the privilege.  While that is a possibility, it isn’t very likely for a variety of reasons.  To begin with, the electrical grid is run by people who are smart (and cautious), and the system has a lot of built-in redundancy (even if much of it is getting outdated).  Yes, we are likely to pay more and there may be an increase in localized outages or brown-outs, but there are several countervailing factors that I think will save us from anything catastrophic.


Bursting the AI bubble.  The list of data center construction projects that have been announced by various tech companies is very long and their potential power demand is enormous.  Oddly, however, that potential impact isn’t showing up in the energy futures market.  For some reason, the “smart money” isn’t buying the story that electrical demand is going to outstrip supply because of the data centers powering artificial intelligence.


Every tech company, it seems, is jumping on the AI bandwagon and to be taken seriously you apparently have to announce expensive initiatives like billion dollar data centers.  It is possible that many of these announcements are from AI unicorns that will be bankrupt before any ground is broken, or are gross exaggerations designed to garner press coverage.  It is too soon to know for sure, but demand increases might be modest enough to be handled without threatening grid stability.


Soaring solar.  Nearly all forms of electrical power production have gotten less costly over time due to technological improvements and manufacturing efficiencies.  But there is one form of electrical production that has outshone the others, and that is photo-voltaic solar.  Using data from industry analyst Lazard for the Levelized Cost of Energy – total construction, maintenance and fuel costs divided by total energy production over the life of the facility – shows that the cost per megawatt-hour for utility scale solar has fallen by a remarkable 88 percent over the past 15 years. [9]  The energy produced by each solar cell has nearly doubled during that time and production costs have plummeted as manufacturing volume has increased.





Solar power has been the great “democratizer” of energy – simple and cost-effective enough that individual households and companies can generate their own power and store it for use at any time when paired with batteries.  This “behind-the-meter” electricity saves the individual user a significant amount of money but it disrupts the economic model behind the electric utility industry.  Utility companies generally spread operational costs across their customers based on total consumption, so if private solar causes demand to drop it can result in rates going up for everyone else.


Not every location is ideal for solar facilities, but in the best locations solar now has the second lowest cost behind on-shore wind farms.  Ongoing innovations are likely to keep the cost per watt falling faster for solar than for other competing options.  Even less than ideal locations are generally cost competitive now and may have outright cost advantages within the next five years.


Many solar projects are now paired with large battery storage installations to make it easier for grid operators to dispatch electricity around the clock as needed.  As with solar cells, battery efficiency and the cost of manufacturing have improved dramatically over the past ten years.  New battery configurations and chemical compositions are being announced almost weekly which will improve performance, reduce costs and lower environmental impacts.  Battery storage facilities may eventually account for 20 to 30 percent of electricity supply during periods of high demand.


Decentralizing the grid.  One of the advantages of solar power production and battery storage is that moderately sized facilities can be distributed across the grid as opposed to traditional power plants which are centralized in just a few locations.  This characteristic is not only reducing transmission costs, but it is allowing the overall electrical grid to be subdivided into microgrids which can be isolated from the main grid during times of instability or weather-related disaster.  Microgrids with their own battery storage and/or solar arrays (or other generating source) are not likely to be self-sufficient for more than a day or two, but that might be enough to significantly lessen the spread of major outages.


Microgrids are currently being created primarily for commercial and industrial facilities where uninterrupted 24/7 operations are critical (e.g. medical campuses, airports, logistics hubs, military bases), but they are likely to spread gradually to more mundane parts of the city.  Distributed power generation and storage will eventually simplify transmission and distribution needs, and reduce demand for expensive peaking plants.


The Bottom Line


To summarize, the electrical grid is likely to be stressed over the next few years in several different ways:


  • Total electrical demand is likely to continue rising for the foreseeable future, for both residential and commercial customers;

  • Utility companies are likely to continue investing heavily in infrastructure upgrades for capacity reasons and to replace aging equipment;

  • Extreme weather events and changing climate patterns will continue to test grid resiliency; and 

  • Power generation decisions are likely to be influenced by not only spiking demand near data centers, but also by shifts in political policies at the federal level.


All of this, in my opinion, is likely to cause rates to continue to rise over much of the country.  Here are a couple of ways this is playing out.  First, the Colorado River basin – which is lined with hydroelectric dams – is in the midst of an extended drought.  The “full pool” elevation for Lake Mead, for example, is approximately 1,220 feet but it is currently at around 1,060 feet.  The turbines at Hoover Dam are continuing to produce power, but at a reduced rate which means that many of the utility companies that depend on that electricity are having to purchase power from the open market which is generally more expensive. [10]  If Lake Mead water levels drop to roughly 1,000 feet then electricity can no longer be generated at all, and while that is unlikely in the near term it is a possibility if the drought continues.


This may seem like an isolated issue, but extreme weather events – or even the threat of extreme weather – affects the electrical grid on a regular basis.  In Asheville, North Carolina, for example, it took 10 days to restore power to the majority of customers following the torrential rains from Helene in September of 2024.  Restoring power to more isolated customers in the surrounding area took weeks and even months.  Xcel Energy in Colorado cut power to roughly 100,000 customers just recently due to the threat of wildfires stemming from drought and high winds.  The components of the electrical grid are uniquely exposed to extreme weather which multiplies the risk associated with aging infrastructure.


Second, spiking demand and political pressures at the federal level may push some energy producers into making decisions that are questionable from a long-term economic perspective.  I doubt anyone is stupid enough to build a new coal powered generating plant despite the administration’s “mine, baby mine” attitude, but there is likely to be a shift toward more natural gas power plants despite the relatively high cost of the electricity they produce.  Even though natural gas prices have historically been volatile and are currently at relatively high levels, the Trump administration considers natural gas plants as “dependable” and a good match for the 24/7 demand from data centers.  In my opinion, however, power from the combination of solar, wind and battery storage is the most economical long-term strategy.  Unfortunately, utility company profits are based largely on a pre-set rate of return applied to all system assets, so building inefficient (and polluting) power plants is fine as long as they can be justified in some other way (e.g. “dependable”).


Finally, there is the not insignificant risk that technological change will either reduce the demand for AI data centers or will reduce the power demands of AI data centers.  After all, the history of computer performance over the past several decades has shown exponential improvements in calculations per watt of energy consumed.  In fact, the next-big-thing in computing is known as a quantum computer, and while it might be a decade or more until quantum computers are commonplace, when they arrive they will undoubtedly be used for things like artificial intelligence and their performance will be orders of magnitude more efficient than today’s best CPUs.  This raises the possibility that the data centers which need huge amounts of electricity in the near-term will suddenly need substantially less at some point in the future – leaving us over supplied with electrical capacity.  Unlike most businesses, however, utility companies can never lose money because they overestimated demand.  They are guaranteed a profit which means that rates will go up because total costs will need to be spread across a smaller base of power consumption.


In short, I don’t see electric bills doing anything but going up in the foreseeable future.  The long term trend of declining power production costs seems likely to continue – although it may be temporarily interrupted by the short term scramble for power at any cost – but it will be overwhelmed by increases in transmission, distribution and grid resiliency costs.  We are so dependent upon electricity that we have no option other than paying the bill, but it is one more straw on the camel’s back that is the household budget.  I worry about how much more working class families can take before our economic system starts to break.  Changes to the electrical grid are just another example of the economic squeeze that families are facing.  As a society, we continue to paint ourselves into a corner, one incremental decision at a time, and I don’t see an easy way out.





Notes:


1. “After more than a decade of little change, U.S. electrical consumption is rising again”; U.S. Energy Information Administration; May 2025; https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65264

2. Rebecca Leppert; “What we know about energy use at U.S. data centers amid the AI boom”; Pew Research Center; October 2025; https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2025/10/24/what-we-know-about-energy-use-at-us-data-centers-amid-the-ai-boom/

3. MacKenzie Sigalos; “Amazon opens $11 billion AI data center in rural Indiana as rivals race to break ground”; CNBC; October 2025; https://www.cnbc.com/2025/10/29/amazon-opens-11-billion-ai-data-center-project-rainier-in-indiana.html

4. Martin Stansbury, et al; “Can US infrastructure keep up with the AI economy?”; Deloitte Touche; June 2025; https://www.deloitte.com/us/en/insights/industry/power-and-utilities/data-center-infrastructure-artificial-intelligence.html

5. Kris Maher and Jeanne Whalen; “Three Mile Island’s Nuclear Revival Pits Those Who Fled Against Job Seekers”; The Wall Street Journal; December 2025; https://www.wsj.com/business/energy-oil/three-mile-islands-nuclear-revival-pits-those-who-fled-against-job-seekers-2758e115?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqc5EYPgpOJS0JxWkorwIudTw0ivXgcmCYu6RyHmprKhC1UB6JVgFpP5s9qGFiw%3D&gaa_ts=692f6098&gaa_sig=ue2UXdB7U9wD2_Tz9UCgKqLwWaypCRIyF-igVa5GHxvFUjWsHHxfgxThCf_sN5wxktvjaIaWVn0BaSMgRmKQpA%3D%3D

6. Spencer Kimball and Gabriel Cortes; “Electric utilities face billions in wildfire liability with aging power lines risking another catastrophe”; CNBC; August 2023; https://www.cnbc.com/2023/08/28/wildfire-risk-electric-utilities-face-billions-in-liability-with-aging-lines.html

7. Jesse Buchsbaum and Jenya Kahn-Lang; “What’s Happening to Electricity Affordability? In Five Charts”; Resources; October 2025; https://www.resources.org/archives/whats-happening-to-electricity-affordability-in-five-charts/

8. Caitlin Ritchie; “Electricity Rates by State”; Choose Energy; Dec 2025; https://www.chooseenergy.com/electricity-rates-by-state/

9. Max Roser; “Why did renewables become so cheap so fast?”; Our World In Data; April 2025; https://ourworldindata.org/cheap-renewables-growth

10. Daniel Rothberg; “Many miles from Lake Mead, rural electric utilities struggle with Colorado River shortage”; The Nevada Independent; October 2022; https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/many-miles-from-lake-mead-rural-electric-utilities-struggle-with-colorado-river-shortage


Wednesday, October 22, 2025

Post 62: Housing Affordability and Tough Choices

 If you read the first two posts in this series (Post 60 and Post 61), then you should understand why housing affordability has been such a tough problem to solve.  The basic issue seems simple enough:  the cost of housing production and ownership needs to come down – or at least stay flat long enough for income growth to catch up.  The multi-dimensional nature of housing construction cost components, however, means that there is no simple solution.  Even addressing just half of the cost components will force some uncomfortable compromises.

With this post I’m going to throw out some ideas that – used in combination – might be enough to actually lower housing costs.  They are unlikely, however, to be particularly popular and I will identify the likely objections as part of my discussion.  To begin with, existing homeowners are unlikely to want housing construction costs to drop because that would, at the very least, interrupt the housing appreciation trend which has added considerable wealth to many homeowners.  Many markets are starting to see modest price declines for existing homes as the over-inflated housing bubble starts to pop.  If new construction options undercut prices further, then modest declines could turn into significant drops.

Aside from waving a magic wand that instantly raises the household income for middle-class families, significant drops are exactly what is required.  The housing market is badly out of whack compared to income, and fixing it will result in some pain.


Solutions That Don’t Work


In addition to ignoring the “increase everyone’s income” type of solution, there are a few other popular “solutions” that I am not going to support because they are band-aids that don’t really solve the long-term problem.  So let’s get them out of the way right up front:


Rent control.  This is an idea that periodically surges in popularity when renters blame greedy landlords for rent increases instead of bothering to understand the economic forces that are at work in the housing marketplace.  The latest advocate is New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani whose popularity is surging partly due to his calls to expand rent control of privately owned housing units.  The problem is that I can’t think of a single example where this approach has been a successful long-term strategy.  Rent control disincentivizes both housing maintenance and new housing construction which means that the existing housing stock spirals into decay and fewer new units are constructed which further warps the supply/demand balance.  Renters might celebrate in the short term, but in the end it typically becomes a lose/lose solution.


Down-payment assistance for first-time homebuyers.  This is an idea that was recently pushed by presidential candidate Kamala Harris when she proposed giving first-generation homebuyers up to $25,000 in downpayment assistance and other first time buyers up to $10,000 in tax credits.  This idea at least has the advantage of being somewhat targeted toward segments of the population that arguably need help, and it might actually be beneficial for some recipients.  It does absolutely nothing, however, to lower the cost of housing production which in my mind is the core problem.  It would also be likely to lure people into homeownership who will ultimately fail and end up worse off financially than before.  If a household doesn’t have sufficient income (or sufficient budgetary discipline) to save for a downpayment, what is the likelihood that they will be able to weather unexpected expenses such as a roof repair or HVAC replacement that can easily be in the tens of thousands of dollars?  As I have argued previously, homeownership is a wise financial move for some households, but not for everyone.  Spending a lot of tax dollars to give people the illusion that they are ready to be homeowners might be more cruel than helpful.


Convince the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates.  This seems to be a popular option lately because it is seen as leading directly to lower mortgage rates.  Unfortunately, the federal funds rate which the Federal Reserve controls is only loosely connected to mortgage rates.  Long-term treasury notes/bonds are a much better predictor of mortgage rates and they are set by the market, which in turn is influenced by overall economic strength, inflation fears, and demand for U.S. debt instruments.  Despite a recent rate cut by the Federal Reserve, mortgage rates have stayed relatively unchanged – likely due to concerns about stubborn inflation levels and a weakening job market.


Privatize Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.  Seventeen years ago these two organizations were placed under federal conservatorship in order to stabilize the housing finance industry which was in meltdown mode at the time.  That action was successful, but what was considered a temporary measure at the time has now stretched to nearly two decades. [1]  There is now considerable discussion about selling the government’s stake in Fannie and Freddie so that they can operate as a completely private entity without government interference or constraint.  Some proponents have argued that privatization would make the organizations more efficient and innovative, thus benefiting home buyers and improving affordability.  There are interesting arguments on both sides of this issue and I don’t know enough to take a position one way or the other, but I am skeptical of the suggestion that this will have any significant impact on housing affordability.  I think the ultimate impact on mortgage rates will probably be minimal and the odds are probably about 50/50 whether rates would go slightly up or slightly down.


Build more housing.  This is a popular solution that has the support of basic economic theory – build more supply and prices should fall.  The problem is that this approach is too simplistic to be very useful.  Yes, we need to build more housing, but building more of what we are already building won’t work.  To begin with, no government agency in the U.S. has the ability to compel the private sector to build housing it doesn’t want to build.  And if homebuilders or developers could profitably build more of what they are already building they would already be doing so.  We need to build housing differently to supplement what we already build, with new construction and ownership options that have lower monthly costs.


Things Outside of Local Control


There are three factors that could have a significant impact on housing costs (either for better or for worse) which I am also going to largely ignore because they are federal issues that are wrapped up in other policy objectives.  Consequently, I think they will be unaffected by pleas from local officials concerned with housing affordability.  The first factor is the mortgage rate which is tied up with issues related to both the national and world economy.  If the average rate for a 30-year fixed mortgage were closer to 5 percent it would make a huge difference but I think that is unlikely in the next few years.  


The second factor is the tariff rate on lumber, cabinets, and other wood products.  The Trump administration’s position on tariffs seems to yo-yo all over the place but the current path is likely to raise the cost of housing production which is obviously bad for housing affordability.  Trump’s tariff strategy seems to be a long-term play to increase internal production and employment, but I think it will be painful in the short run and I’m doubtful of long run success as well.  Again, I don’t think housing concerns will sway the tariff strategy.


The third factor is construction labor availability which has been strained for years and is likely to get significantly worse with the federal focus on deportation of undocumented residents.  Efforts to recruit young people into the construction trades have not been successful enough to counterbalance retiring workers and increasing demand.  Deporting workers will make that worse, which will increase housing costs.  This is part of a much larger issue relating to border control and immigration which means that the impact on housing affordability isn’t likely to have much influence.


Actions Which Might Work


I have four general ideas (each with multiple parts) that I think could make a significant difference in housing production and ownership costs.  As I mentioned earlier, none of them are likely to be particularly popular which makes me pessimistic about any real success.  True improvements to housing affordability will require a community that is committed to making it a high priority, to the point where they are willing to shake up the status quo and implement unorthodox strategies.


Reduce Land Costs Per Unit


Land can account for 10 to 20 percent (or more) of the final cost of a housing unit so it is a logical place to start looking for potential savings.  The price of land, of course, is set by the market and isn’t likely to drop unless the housing market and the broader national economy really go south.  Thus, the key to reducing the land cost per unit is to increase the number of units allowed on a given parcel of land.  Increasing housing density is rarely popular, however, because it is seen as an attack on the character of the community and on the value of existing housing.


Most single-family homes are surrounded by spacious yards that are rarely if ever used.  Yes, there are exceptions for families with lots of kids or households that do lots of entertaining, but most yards rarely see a human presence outside of someone mowing the grass or trimming the shrubs.  Required yard sizes could easily be reduced by a third, or perhaps even half, without materially affecting the lifestyle of most households.


The reality is that most communities use their zoning authority to limit the majority of their land to single-family homes on lots that are far larger than are reasonably necessary.  This is being documented by an ambitious (but unfinished) effort known as the National Zoning Atlas. [2]  For example, St. Charles, Missouri, is a city of 70,000 people located in the St. Louis metro area.  Of the 88 percent of the land that is subject to zoning controls, 54 percent is limited to primarily residential uses, 10 percent is limited to mixed uses which include residential options, and 36 percent is limited to nonresidential uses.  Single-family homes are allowed by right on nearly 70 percent of the residential land (and not prohibited anywhere) while no form of multifamily development from duplexes on up is permitted by right on more than 10 percent of the land. [3]  As skewed toward single-family as this might seem, many communities are actually much worse.  Take a look, for example, at Stamford, Connecticut, a city of 135,000 people: [4]


Housing Units Allowed - Stamford (by percent of land area)

                 1-family 2-family 3-family 4+family

Allowed (by right) 97% 11% 10% 10%

Conditionally allowed 2%         2%         2%         16%

Prohibited         0%         88% 89% 75%


There is a growing movement to create neighborhoods that blend duplexes or tri-plexes in with single-family homes.  Given the shrinking size of American households, it would seem to be a relatively straightforward way to increase housing density and housing diversity.  Several years ago, Minneapolis amended its zoning regulations in this exact manner to allow duplexes and tri-plexes in areas previously zoned for just single-family homes.  While there has been political pushback and several lawsuits, early results are encouraging.  Between 2017 and 2023, the housing stock grew by 12% (compared to 4% statewide); and rents increased more slowly at just 1% (compared to 14% statewide). [5]


So why isn’t this approach more common?  The answer is that while we like to support the concept of affordable housing, supporting that reality is a different matter if it might impinge on the sanctity of our neighborhood.  A recent study came to the following conclusion: 


We show that the residents of neighborhoods with mostly single-family zoning, on average, have significantly higher household incomes and are much more likely to be white, much less likely to be Black or Hispanic, more likely to have a bachelor’s degree, and much more likely to own their homes than residents of neighborhoods where zoning allows for multifamily building construction. [6]


Having mostly single-family zoning seems to lead to mostly good things, but it does so by largely excluding middle-income households and households of color.  NIMBYism is alive and well because most people don’t want to jeopardize the value of their home. These are the difficult trade-offs that housing affordability requires.


If the Minneapolis approach is too extreme, there are other approaches that can lower the cost of land per unit of housing.  Examples include allowing accessory dwelling units in back yard areas, aggressively redeveloping vacant land controlled by urban land banks, and allowing denser forms of transit oriented development adjacent to commuter rail stations in suburban communities.  If done correctly, all of these things can improve housing affordability without ruining the character of a community or neighborhood.  At the very least, communities should amend their zoning regulations to provide for districts which allow small-lot development (e.g. 5,000 square foot lot sizes) and cluster development where several homes share common open space.  This would enable new neighborhoods to be more dense without impacting existing neighborhoods.


Reduce Construction Bureaucracy


Part of the housing affordability problem is that we have skewed the building process to favor big companies that build big subdivisions of single-family homes or big apartment complexes.  Small developers who might be more in touch with the needs of the community and more willing to build nontraditional housing tend to get lost in the shuffle.  This isn’t intentional, but rather the inevitable result of community pressure for building departments to be as efficient as possible.  Review and inspection processes get designed for big, complicated projects with requirements that big companies are used to but which small developers find burdensome or unnecessary.


In addition, the relationship between builders and the municipal building departments that regulate construction is often adversarial, particularly in larger cities.  This probably isn’t surprising given the complexity of the building code and pressure on contractors to stay under budget (i.e. cut corners), but it can discourage small builders from entering the market and reduce their odds of being successful when they try something new.


Cities that are really committed to housing affordability should consider carving out a distinct approach for small housing projects.  This is likely to be more labor intensive (i.e. less efficient), but growing the capabilities of ten or twenty small builders might be more productive in terms of increased housing diversity than luring another large developer who is going to build more of the same.  For example, I would like to see a simplified building code created for housing units below a certain threshold (perhaps 2,000 square feet per unit).  Most cities already have a separate code for 1- and 2-family structures, but I’m thinking of a step-by-step document that is heavily illustrated and focused on simple construction techniques.  Builders wanting to do a more elaborate or exotic project could always opt for the standard code documents, but small scale builders would likely embrace a simplified approach that is easy to understand.


I would also like to see this simplified code focus on low-cost design requirements, even if this means somewhat lower performance in terms of energy efficiency or fire safety.  I think we have excluded buildings that are “good” by insisting that everything be “excellent” and the cost of that approach has become counterproductive.  To supplement this simplified approach, building departments need to have reviewers and inspectors that view their role as being collaborative problem solvers as much as code enforcers.  Instead of just failing an inspection and letting the builder figure out what changes are needed, inspectors could explain the logic behind the requirement and suggest a possible solution.  This would be more time consuming and it would also require a very knowledgeable staff – the type who are typically put on the most complicated projects, not the simplest.  


Along the same line of reasoning, there is a new trend spreading across the country known generally as Pattern Zoning.  Under this approach, cities pre-approve full building plans for modest single-family homes and duplexes and make those plans available to builders for a minimal fee in selected parts of the city.  The approval process is entirely administrative in most cities, meaning that there are no public hearings, no neighborhood protests, and no extended review times prior to permit approval.  The choices are limited, but it can result in homes under construction in record time and with a very low up-front cost. [7]


More Factory Production


There are three types of housing that are built entirely, or at least partially, in a factory:  (1) manufactured housing (what used to be called a “mobile home”), (2) modular housing, and (3) panelized housing.  Although the numbers fluctuate from year to year, in general terms all three types account for 10 to 12 percent of total housing construction.  In my opinion, that percentage needs to at least double for there to be a significant impact on average home prices.  There are, unfortunately, some obstacles standing in the way of that happening.


Manufactured housing has come a long way from its mobile-home roots, but its impact on the housing market is largely under the radar.  Roughly 100,000 units are built each year – triple the amount for the other two forms of factory housing combined – and studies have estimated that it is 20% to 45% less expensive per square foot than site built housing. [8]  Manufactured housing is subject to a federal building code (known as the HUD code) which is roughly equivalent to most local building codes.  The standardization enabled by this single code has substantial advantages for factory production where the final product might be shipped to a wide variety of locations.  There are, unfortunately, some significant limitations that the manufactured housing industry is subject to which limit the appeal of this housing option.


For example, the HUD code requires that manufactured units be built on a chassis or frame.  This is a throwback to the days when it was assumed that the unit might be moved from place to place and wheels were often attached to the chassis so that it could be towed on the highway.  In reality, manufactured housing is rarely moved once it is installed on a foundation and units are typically shipped on flatbed trailers, so the need for a chassis is obsolete.  The requirement for a chassis, however, makes it more difficult to permanently attach to a normal foundation and it makes it almost impossible to stack units vertically.  Proposals are actively being considered to remove this requirement, but they have not been formally adopted.


Another vestige from the past is the default treatment of a manufactured home as a piece of personal property with a title, much like a car.  This stems from manufactured homes traditionally being placed in “mobile home parks” where the land is rented by the resident rather than owned.  It is possible to convert a manufactured home to real estate if it is placed on property that is owned by the owner of the unit, but it requires additional time and paperwork.  The industry needs to push for the default option to be real estate, rather than the other way around.


The third obstacle that keeps manufactured housing from being more popular is its appearance which traditionally has been long and skinny, with a very low roof pitch and virtually no overhangs (eaves).  This distinctive look has been stereotyped as being cheap or insubstantial despite the fact that a well made unit can be as comfortable and modern as many site-built homes.  The industry is addressing the issue with a new category of manufactured home known as a CrossMod.  These units have much more normal roof designs and can incorporate additions such as porches, attached garages, and decks.


A CrossMod Home  (Source: Clayton Homes)


The final obstacle is the local zoning code which in most jurisdictions limits manufactured housing to rarely used districts that are frequently located near floodplains, railroad tracks or industrial parks – sites that aren’t ideal residential neighborhoods.  As the manufactured housing product improves, cities need to modify their codes and practices to find ways to locate manufactured home subdivisions in attractive residential areas near other types of housing.


Modular and panelized housing techniques are distinguished from manufactured housing in that they are designed to comply with local building codes.  They also offer a great deal more flexibility in terms of the design of the final product, require more on-site finishing work, and yield somewhat less cost savings.  The result, however, is often indistinguishable from site built housing.  Unfortunately, neither type of construction has really caught on in the U.S.  I think the problem is that, unlike manufactured housing, modular and panelized housing requires a third-party builder who does the site work, buys the modular/panelized components, does the on-site assembly and finish work, and then sells the final product.  So far, there haven’t been enough companies willing to play that middleman role.  Factories are expensive to build and to keep running, so there needs to be a steady stream of buyers (i.e. builders) to make them profitable.


Still, I think the potential is great and the skyrocketing cost of traditional construction might be enough to shake builders out of their comfort zone and into the world of modular and panelized construction.  That world is different enough that architects and builders will need to think about housing design in a slightly different way.  Successful builders will have to understand and tap into the strengths of modular and panelized construction so that the cost savings are as substantial as possible.  In particular, builders will need to find designs that are smaller and simpler but still appealing to modern buyers.  Designing modest homes specifically laid out with expansion in mind might be a start.  In any case, building old house plans with new technology isn’t likely to yield the necessary cost efficiencies.


A New Form of Ownership


In the world of housing, you are either an owner or a renter, and there are troubling trends affecting both of those options.  On the ownership side, I have already detailed the rapidly growing gap between the average cost of owning a home and the average income of a typical household.  On the rental side, the share of total housing expenditures represented by rent has been trending higher for at least the past 20 years across all income levels, meaning that affordability is not just an ownership issue. [9]



Equally troubling, in my opinion, is that the ownership of rental housing is increasingly concentrated in large corporations that are often remote from the people who occupy those units.  Large corporations are good at creating algorithms that maximize profits, but housing is an essential human need with a social aspect that is just as important as the economic one.  Balancing the economic need for profitability with the moral imperative of being a responsible landlord is where impersonal corporations often fall short.  Maybe AI will save us someday, but there currently isn’t an app or an algorithm that can replicate decision making based on a personal relationship.


What I would like to see more of is what I’m going to refer to as “co-owning”.  This third category requires the participation of a housing-focused organization – most likely a not-for-profit, community- or faith-based organization that is willing to partner with individual households. The role of the co-owning organization is akin to the role of a traditional landlord, but with the profit motive of the landlord replaced by a mission to provide affordable housing, build wealth, and smooth the transition from renter, to co-owner, to traditional owner.  Ideally, the co-owning organization would acquire multiple housing units in close proximity and maintain an active partnership with the residents in order to facilitate a sense of community.  


From the perspective of affordable housing, the key advantages of a co-owning organization would be:


  • Reducing the financial impact of closing costs and down payments so that moderate income households could “own” housing without a huge up-front cost;

  • Building relationships with local lending institutions so that financing arrangements for first-time buyers would be less intimidating;

  • Developing a list of trusted repairmen, contractors, insurance providers, and similar local services that homeowners are likely to need; 

  • Assembling a shared pool of tools, ladders, and lawn care equipment so that each owner doesn’t need to buy their own;  

  • Providing short-term financial assistance to smooth over unexpected expenses at interest rates far below what a credit card or payday loan business would require; and

  • Facilitating the eventual sale of the residence if the household needs to move or wants to upgrade to a traditional ownership role.


In exchange, the organization needs to have a revenue stream to not only cover its costs but to also provide an incentive to expand its services.  This revenue stream might be a monthly fee like dues for a homes association, or a differential in the interest rate between what the organization borrows at and what it charges the individual household buyers, or an agreement to split any appreciation in property values.  Whatever the arrangement, the idea is that the co-owners split the financial benefits of owning a home while providing an opportunity for a moderate income household to not only have safe and sanitary living quarters but to also build equity and learn the ins and outs of home ownership.  


This might seem like a Utopian dream, but it might not be as far-fetched as it seems at first glance.  As an antidote to NIMBYism, there is a fledgling movement in several states known as YIGBY (or Yes in God’s Back Yard).  It turns out that religious institutions own a great deal of undeveloped or underutilized land which could be used for residential purposes, and many churches view affordable housing as being consistent with their mission.  [10]   The YIGBY movement is distinct from my thoughts on co-ownership, but the two would seem to fit well together.  In any event, what I am arguing for is a hyper-local, community focused approach to housing supply that bridges the gaps in what the private housing market provides.


The Bottom Line


For better or worse, we live in a capitalistic society and we occasionally need to face up to the fact that while capitalism does many things well, it does not do everything well.  This is particularly true in a time when the income disparity between the top twenty percent of society and the remaining eighty percent seems to be growing larger.  The prices for many of the necessities of life – food, housing, health care, transportation – seem to be rising faster than the wages of the middle class (not to mention the lower economic rungs).  The “American Dream,” which motivated us to work hard in order to earn a good life, seems to be slipping from our grasp.  If young families give up on the dream because they feel the economic deck is stacked against them, what does that mean for the future of our society?  


With respect to affordable housing and the current economic climate, the primary point I'm trying to make is that I don’t believe that the private market can provide the quantity or quality of housing that the broad middle-swath of our society needs.  I am convinced that the private market needs to be supplemented by efforts from local government, local community organizations, and local businesses working in tandem.  No single actor will be sufficient because no single actor has the ability to pull enough levers to really address this multi-dimensional problem.  And sadly, I’m convinced that the Federal government will be largely useless until their priorities change significantly.


A coordinated approach is needed because attacking just one slice of the affordability problem runs two sizable risks.  First, a single actor addressing just one aspect of the problem is likely to have too small of an impact to be really noticeable.  Many housing affordability initiatives have started with high hopes, burned through time and resources, and then petered out when the results were underwhelming.  Second, a narrow approach to solving housing affordability can simply end up distorting the market through unintended secondary effects rather than really leading to the desired outcome.  The housing industry involves a lot of moving parts and tweaking one part without understanding the others can be more negative than positive.  Arguably, the whole subprime mortgage meltdown was started by efforts to relax mortgage qualification standards so that more families could buy a home.  Juicing demand from households inexperienced with home ownership – at a time of falling interest rates – during a period of lax regulatory oversight – without increasing housing supply at the right place and the right price point – was a recipe for disaster.


I am basically an optimistic person, but the complexity of the housing affordability problem might be enough to change me into a cynic.  I hope my ideas spur some effective action, but I’m not holding my breath.









Notes:



1. Willy Walker; “The future of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac:  Why this debate matters now”; March 2025; Walker & Dunlop; https://www.walkerdunlop.com/insights/the-future-of-fannie-mae-and-freddie-mac-why-this-debate-matters-now#:~:text=The%20problem%20with%20conservatorship,market%20that%20thrives%20on%20stability.


2. National Zoning Atlas; https://www.zoningatlas.org/atlas


3. National Zoning Atlas; St. Charles Zoning Snapshot; https://www.zoningatlas.org/snapshots/?jurisdiction=3067


4. National Zoning Atlas; Stamford Zoning Snapshot; https://www.zoningatlas.org/snapshots/?jurisdiction=304


5. Richard Kahlenberg; “Rallying the Voices of the Excluded for Zoning Reform: The Case of Minneapolis”; The Century Foundation; December 2023; https://tcf.org/content/report/rallying-the-voices-of-the-excluded-for-zoning-reform-the-case-of-minneapolis/


6. Yonah Freemark, Lydia Lo, Sara Bronin; “Bringing Zoning Into Focus”; Urban Institute; June 2023; https://www.urban.org/research/publication/bringing-zoning-focus


7. Mathew Petty and Mathew Hoffman; Pattern Zones Company; https://www.patternzones.com/


8. Chadwick Reed; “Comparing the Costs of Manufactured and Site-Built Housing”; The Harvard University Joint Center for Housing Studies; July 2023; https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/comparing-costs-manufactured-and-site-built-housing


9. Lauren Bauer, et al; “Ten economic facts about rental housing”; The Hamilton Project; March 2024; https://www.hamiltonproject.org/publication/economic-fact/ten-economic-facts-about-rental-housing/#:~:text=Data%20from%20the%202021%20RHFS,(Goodman%20and%20Zinn%202023).


10. Frances Nguyen; “The YIGBY Movement – Unlocking Church-Owned Land For Affordable Housing”; Shelterforce; February 2025; https://shelterforce.org/2025/02/28/the-yigby-movement-unlocking-church-owned-land-for-affordable-housing/